Мусульманский налог

Double Bind: tied up in knots on the left

Мусульманский налог

I have spent the last twenty years workingon issues of women and religious censorship.

 As a feminist activist in InternationalPEN and then in Women’s WORLD, Icouldn’t help noticing that increasing numbers of women writers were beingtargeted by fundamentalists.

Not all these fundamentalists were Islamists; somewere Christians, Jews, or Hindus.  Infact, one of my own books was targetedby the Christian Coalition in the US. 

Nobody on the left ever objected when Icriticized Christian or Jewish fundamentalism.

 But when I did defence work for censored Muslim feminists, people wouldlook at me sideways, as if to say, who are you to talk about this?  This tendency has become much more markedsince 9/11 and the “war on terror.

” Today on the left and in some academic circles, people responding toattacks on Muslim feminists in other countries are ly to be accused ofreinforcing the»victim-savage-saviour» framework or preparing for the next USinvasion.

  This puts anyoneworking with actual women’s human rights defenders in places North Africaor Pakistan in an impossible situation. From these concerns springs my book, DoubleBind: The Muslim Right, the Anglo-American Left, and Universal Human Rights, published by the Centrefor Secular Space.

Human rights defenders are supposed toprotect the rights of those oppressed by the state or by non-state actors.

Theymust also defend the rights of women (which may be violated by the state aswell as by non-state actors).

  But whathappens when people who are mistreated by the state violate the rights ofwomen?  Can one fight their violationswhile at the same defending their rights against state power?  How? 

This political terrain is tied up in somany knots it amounts to what Gregory Bateson called a “double bind” in “Toward a theory ofschizophrenia”  — a double bind results when people are givenconflicting instructions so that in obeying one set of orders, they mustviolate the other. 

Last year’s debate around Mona Eltahawy’sarticle on the oppression of women in the Middle East, called  «Whydo they hate us?»  is a recent example of this double bind. As Parastou Houssori, who teaches internationalrefugee law at the University of Cairo, observed:  

Some of the other criticisms of ElTahawy’s piece illustrate the dilemma of the “double bind” thatAfrican-American and other feminists have also faced.

For instance, when theywrite about their experiences, African-American feminists often find themselvescaught between confronting the patriarchy within African-American communities,and defending their African-American brothers from the broader racism thatexists in American society.

 Similarly, women who identify as Islamicfeminists often find themselves in this bind, as they try to reconcile theirfeminism and religious identity, and also defend their religion fromIslamophobia.

This double bind cannot be resolved byretreating into silence or becoming immobilized.

In international law, it canbe addressed by emphasizing that non-state actors must not violate rights, andby integrating equality and non-discrimination more fully into human rightswork.

  But on the political level, onecan only proceed by thinking one’s way through a maze of taboos, injunctionsand received ideas — and also being willing to face backlash and censorship.  

Gita Sahgal,founding head of the gender unit at Amnesty International, found this out threeyears ago when she left Amnesty after publicly raising objections to itsalliance with Cageprisoners, a UKorganization set up to defend prisoners at Guantanamo. People around the worldcame to Gita’s defense and have now formed the Centre for Secular Space inorder to strengthen secular voices, oppose fundamentalism, and promoteuniversality in human rights. The questions we raise are critical to the left:

In a periodof right wing attacks on Muslims – or people thought to be Muslims – how doesone respond to human rights violations by the Muslim right without feeding hatecampaigns?

When the USinvokes theoppression of Muslim women to sanctify war, how do we practice feministsolidarity without strengthening Orientalism and neocolonialism?

When the UStargets jihadis for assassinationby drone, should human rights defenders worry about violations perpetratedby those  same jihadis or focus on violations by the state?     

What do we mean by the Muslimright?  I define it as: “a range oftransnational political movements that mobilize identity politics towards thegoal of a theocratic state.

It consists of those the media call ‘moderateIslamists’ who aim to reach this goal gradually by electoral and educationalmeans; extremist parties and groups called ‘salafis’ that may run for officebut also try to enforce some version of Sharia law through street violence; anda much smaller militant wing of salafi-jihadis that endorses military means andpractices violence against civilians. The goal of all political Islamists,whatever means they may prefer, is a state founded upon a version of Sharia lawthat systematically discriminates against women along with sexual and religiousminorities.” 

Starting from there, Double Bind discussessalafi-jihadi history, ideas, and organizational methods with particularattention to Cageprisoners, making the case that it is actually a publicrelations organization for jihadis.

The booklooks at thepractice of the Anglo-American antiwar movement and challenges what I believeare five wrong ideas about the Muslim right: that it is anti-imperialist; that“defence of Muslim lands” is comparable to national liberation struggles; thatthe problem is “Islamophobia;” that terrorism is justified by revolutionarynecessity; and that any feminist who criticizes the Muslim right is anOrientalist ally of US imperialism.

Some on the left have accepted the worldview of the Muslim right, which defines political goals in religious terms, tothe extent that they see the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Mali as attackson Muslims.

Take, for instance, GlennGreenwald: “As French war planes bomb Mali, there is one simple statistic thatprovides the key context: this west African nation of 15 million people is theeighth country in which western powers — over the last four years alone — havebombed and killed Muslims — after Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Libya,Somalia and the Philippines (that does not count the numerous lethal tyranniespropped up by the west in that region). For obvious reasons, the rhetoric thatthe west is not at war with the Islamic world grows increasingly hollow witheach new expansion of this militarism.”

By adopting a religious framework,Greenwald obscures the geopolitical reasons for the conflicts he names andignores the fact that most of them involve Muslims killing other Muslims—in thecase of Mali, Sunni salafi-jihadis imposing their version of Islam on Sufis.

  people who see Taliban activity inPakistan largely as a reactionagainst drones, leftists who frame the issues in Mali solely in terms ofWestern imperialism deny the agency of the people living there, who have beenvoting with their feet by fleeing jihadi-controlled areas in droves. 

Leftists often hold back from talking aboutthe Muslim right because they are afraid that doing so will strengthen Westernracists and nativists. But surely we have to oppose all varieties of right wingpolitics.

Of course we must stand up todemagogues who characterize every Muslim as a potential terrorist and try towhip up violence against civilians. In my view, these people are fascists.

Butthe fact that we have a problem with white fascists in the US or UK should notlead us to overlook the fact that other parts of the world have problems oftheir own with fascist movements, some of which claim to be the only trueMuslims and try to enforce their version of Islam through violence.

  Add in the fact that a number of jihadiscome from Canada, the UK or the US, and it becomes apparent that we cannot thinkonly in terms of domestic political struggles when we live in a globalizedworld. 

Rather than framing the world situation asa war between US imperialism and Islamist freedom fighters, DoubleBind sees a complicated dialectic between terrorism andcounter-terrorism with the possibility of an emerging conservative front inwhich Washington and the Muslim Brotherhood are as ly to be allies asadversaries, and both are opposed by popular democratic movements. Instead ofsanitizing and protecting the Muslim right in the name of fighting colonialismand imperialism, we propose a strategy of solidarity with actual popularmovements of democrats, trade unionists, religious and sexual minorities andfeminists struggling in the Global South against both neo-liberalism andreligious fundamentalism.

Secular space is central to thisstrategy.

  Since the end of the Cold War, secular spacesall over the world have come under siege by various forms of fundamentalism, and the instrumentalization of religion forpolitical gain has become a problem in regions as varied as Africa, CentralAsia, Eastern Europe, the MENA region, North America, South America, South Asia,and Western Europe.  In all theseplaces, religious identity politics has muddied discussion of class, labour,racism and discrimination against women and sexual minorities.

Democratic governance is the idea that the authority of the state is delegated by the peoplerather than coming from God.

  The separation of the state from religion is central to democracybecause gender, religious minorityand sexual rights become issues whenever human rights are limited by religion,culture, or political expediency.

Thussecular space is essential to the development of democratic popular movementsthat can oppose both neoliberalism and fundamentalism. To move forward, we needa strategy that combines solidarity with defence of secular space.

DoubleBind: The Muslim Right, the Anglo-American Left, and Universal Human Rightswill be launched by a panel at Toynbee Hall in London on 11 February2013.

Источник: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/double-bind-tied-up-in-knots-on-left/

Кто платит закят

Мусульманский налог

Закят выплачивается ежегодно со всех денежных единиц (валют), золота и серебра.

Если все это в совокупности равно стоимости 84,8 г золота[1] (нисаб) и данная сумма, уменьшаясь или увеличиваясь, хранилась в течение года и по истечении года является равноценной указанной стоимости (84,8 г золота) или превышает ее, то в этом случае с общей суммы выплачивается 2,5% закята[2].

К примеру, по состоянию на 7 ноября 2017 года, по данным Центрального банка РФ, учетная стоимость одного грамма аффинированного[3] золота составила 2 395,72 рубля.

84,8 г золота = 203 157 рублей (на 7 ноября 2017 г).

Кто платит закят, а кто нет

В случае, когда человек является должником, что не позволяет ему иметь упомянутую сумму, или не имеет минимальных условий для нормальной жизнедеятельности (собственного жилья, минимального количества мебели, самой необходимой одежды и т.д.) и откладывает деньги для их приобретения, то он не обязан выплачивать закят.

Закят не выплачивается с личного имущества (с квартиры, машины, дачи, оргтехники и т. п.), а также с драгоценных камней и металлов (кроме золота и серебра)[4].

Что касается золотых и серебряных украшений, то мнения о выплате закята с них следующие:

ханафитские богословы утверждают, что закят выплачивается ежегодно со всех форм золота и серебра, независимо от того, лом это (бесформенное золото, слитки) или драгоценности, используется это или хранится без использования;

богословы ханбалитского и шафиитского мазхабов считают, что если хозяева пользуются золотом или серебром, то закят с них не выплачивается. Если же хранят без применения или ношения, то раз в год выплата с них закята обязательна[5];

богословы маликитского мазхаба утверждают, что если украшения используются хозяевами, то закят с них не выплачивается.

Если же золотые или серебряные украшения хранятся в качестве материальных ценностей для использования в случае необходимости (в трудных финансовых ситуациях) или есть намерение использовать их в последующем (например, в качестве приданого дочерям или подарка невесте), то закят с них выплачивается ежегодно.

Закят не выплачивается близким родственникам: отцу и матери, деду и бабушке, прадеду и прабабушке, сыну и дочке, внуку и внучке, правнукам и правнучкам[6]. Также нельзя выплачивать закят жене.

Всем остальным родственникам можно и даже предпочтительно выплачивать закят, если они относятся к вышеупомянутым в аяте категориям людей.

При выплате закята родственникам лучше придерживаться следующей последовательности: братьям, сестрам, племянникам, дядям по матери, тетям по матери, затем их детям (двоюродным братьям, сестрам) и т. д.[7]

Важно помнить, что люди, которые (1) располагают минимальными средствами для существования (собственным жильем, самыми необходимыми предметами быта и т. д.

) и, (2) не включая ежемесячные расходы, обладают нисабом (то, что составляет стоимость 84,8 г золота), не имеют права получать закятные деньги, относя себя к первым двум вышеперечисленным категориям, а, наоборот, сами должны выплачивать закят.

Закят и бизнес

Люди, занимающиеся торговлей, чьи деньги постоянно находятся в торговом обороте, выплачивают 2,5% закята 1 раз в год с тех денег, которые находятся в товарообороте (оборотные средства), если вложения эти прибыльны, а не убыточны. В то же время с того, что используется для ведения торговли (а это основные фонды — офисы, транспорт, оргтехника и т. д.), закят не выплачивается[8].

Те, кто имеет собственные предприятия по добыче нефти, золота, алмазов и иных ценных ископаемых и драгоценных металлов, добываемых из-под земли, по мнению большинства ученых, должны платить закят в размере 20% от стоимости получаемой продукции.

Данное каноническое утверждение основано на хадисе: «[Закят] с клада — пятая часть»[9].

«В этом случае закят должен выплачиваться в размере 20% от стоимости всего ценного, что добывается из-под земли», — прокомментировали этот хадис исламские богословы, в числе которых Абу Ханифа и Абу ‘Убейда.

Закят с урожая

«Ешьте, употребляйте в пищу плоды в период плодоношения [возможен частичный сбор плодов для собственных нужд до полного их созревания, а также для выплаты закята, а вот уже после полного созревания] передавайте[10] соответствующую часть урожая сразу после жатвы (сбора) [в качестве обязательной милостыни (закята): десятая часть урожая — если все выросло самостоятельно при дождевом орошении; двадцатая — если хозяину приходилось участвовать в поливке, орошении угодий, нести в связи с этим физические и финансовые затраты]. И не расточительствуйте [не тратьте на то, что бесполезно, а тем более — вредно; не раздавайте все на благотворительность, оставив семью на предстоящий год без пропитания, уповая на Бога, мол, Он поможет]. Воистину, Он [Господь миров] не любит расточительных [неразумно использующих предоставленные на время и с определенным Божьим замыслом мирские блага]» (см. Св. Коран, 6:141).

Источник: https://umma.ru/kto-platit-zakyat/

The Muslim wealth tax Zakat is the best blueprint for making Western societies fairer ǀ View

Мусульманский налог

This week sees 1.8 billion Muslims celebrate the «Festival of Sacrifice,» or Eid Al-Adha. But the idea of sacrificing one's hard earned money is a year-round activity for Muslims, who are the world's most giving faith community when it comes to charity and philanthropy. This is especially true of Muslim communities in the UK and North America.

Muslim charity is built on the concept of Zakat, a 2.5% standing wealth tax that is eerily similar to the wealth taxes being proposed by various US billionaires and 2020 Presidential hopefuls. Could Islamic philanthropy provide a blueprint to reform predatory capitalism and fix our painfully unequal societies?

Muslims in the UK, for example, give £371 per person to charity per year on average — more than the Jewish community and more than double the average Christian. Although this peaks around key festivals and occasions Eid and Ramadan, it is an ongoing trend that is hardwired into many Muslims’ practice of the religion.

This has even led some to refer to members of the Muslim faith as the “fourth emergency service,” due to the incredible range of activity of Muslim-led charities Penny Appeal in response to natural disasters at home and abroad.

This charity has always been for both Muslims and non-Muslims: although some categories of Islamic charity are primarily for members of the Muslim community, others are specifically for wider society, regardless of the recipient’s background.

Although charity has been at the heart of Islam since the faith’s beginnings, it is only recently that many have woken up to the potential for this giving to create social change, especially since Muslim communities in the UK, Europe and North America have become increasingly wealthy and more socially aware. Whereas many first generation immigrants were simply in survival mode, their children and grandchildren are often professionals or accomplished business people with increasing disposable income that they choose to use for social good.

This is against a backdrop of rising inequality around the world and here at home in the UK. The use of food banks is at an all-time high, welfare systems are struggling and society is becoming more and more divided. These conditions are unacceptable anywhere, but especially so in one of the world’s richest countries.

Perhaps the solution to this can be found in the tradition of Muslim charitable giving. As I have already mentioned, the Zakat wealth tax is a simple 2.5% payment on assets held for a year above a (relatively low) threshold.

‘Zakat’ comes from the Arabic word meaning “to purify,” and it is this kind of charity that has the power to purify wealth from the painful and unjust inequality that it often creates.

A wealth tax Zakat may seem unorthodox to the point of being unworkable, but it is already implemented in many Muslim-majority countries whose economies are not completely dissimilar to those in Europe and North America.

And support for a Zakat- wealth tax that can match the scale of Muslim charitable giving in the broader society is building in the US. It’s understandable that a new wave of leadership is looking to make drastic changes. Decades of policies against inequality by both left and right wing parties have essentially failed.

Centre-right parties instinctively believe that more pro-business incentives (i.e. lower taxes) will make society more equal, since those growing businesses generate tax revenue.

However, the largest businesses, as well as high net worth individuals, often pay little or no tax through a combination of low tax jurisdictions, transfer pricing, and even trusts — all of which are usually legal and almost impossible to stop through legislation.

This makes left wing parties’ solution of higher taxes not only ineffective but counterproductive: to generate more tax receipts when the richest are paying so little, they are forced to tax the poorest more and more.

This vicious cycle has increased inequality for many years, and something needs to change, particularly when endemic inequality has created the conditions for economic fissures to spread into social and ideological divides which accommodate the rise of the Far Right.

Many business leaders and centre-left politicians have called for a wealth tax that is Zakat in spirit if not in substance. In June this year, 18 of the wealthiest Americans wrote to presidential hopefuls urging them to adopt this kind of policy. It seems Elizabeth Warren has heeded their call, incorporating a wealth tax into her Democratic nomination campaign.

Interestingly, income tax is considered an oppression in classical Islamic law. If the only tax we had to pay was 2.5% of whatever we own for a year, most, apart from the ultra-rich would find they'd pay a lot less tax.

It is unclear whether these policies will ever see the light of day. Until then, our societies will have to rely on charitable giving — led by Muslims, but supported by us all.

Adeem Younis is chairman of Penny Appeal, a British-based Muslim charity working in 30 countries around the world, including the UK

_____

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Источник: https://www.euronews.com/2019/08/12/the-muslim-wealth-tax-zakat-is-the-best-blueprint-for-making-western-societies-fairer-view

(PDF) Perception of Muslim Consumers towards Tax Deduction through Zakat in Malaysia: An Empirical Investigation on Muslims in Malaysia

Мусульманский налог

Abdullah-Al-Mamun & Ahasanul Haque / Proceeding ICOSOPP 2015

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producers‟ attitudes towards Muslim consumers whether manufacturers are respecting the belief of

Muslim consumers or not. Lastly, in case of fraudulent usage of halal logo, what kind of legal actions

can be taken means laws are enforceable enough or not (Mustafa Afifi, 2012). According to Al-Quran,

“O ye who believe! Eat of the good things that we have provided for you” (Surah Al-

Baqarah 2: 172).

“So eat of the sustenance which Allah has provided for you, lawful and good; and be grateful

for the favours of Allah, if it is he whom ye serve. He has only forbidden you dead meat,

blood, flesh of swine and any food over which the name of other than Allah has been

invoked. But if one is forced by necessity, without wilful disobedience, not transgressing due

limits, then Allah is oft forgiving and most merciful” (Surah al-Nahl., 16: 114-115).

Islamic law (also known as Shariah) is a revelation from Allah SWT to lead Muslim people life

(Hussaini, 1993; Doi, 1984). In Islam, it is very important to maintain halal and abstain from haram in

every aspect of life (IHI Alliance, 2009; Laldin, 2006). Halal-Haram (lawful-unlawful) is clearly based

on Islamic values (Zakaria and Talib, 2010). There is a change in modern marketing because

companies are moving away from a consumer centric to a value driven approach which hoist the

concept of marketing into the territory of human aspiration, values and sprits (Kotler et al., 2010). The

global halal market demand is increasing day by day. The halal food market is currently 16% of entire

global food industry (Nestle, 2009).

There are several organizations worldwide which are established for controlling and assuring halal food

standardization and certification (Anir, Nizam, & Masliyana, 2008; Ziegler, 2007). The purpose of

halal standards is to avoid ambiguity and to help consumers in choosing products that comply with

halal requirements (van der Spiegel et al., 2012). Halal logo is treated as a sign of quality assurance and

lifestyle choice in the field of today‟s business and trade (Islam Online, 2005). Halal logo or certificate

ensures Muslims about the products they consume and also motivate producer to meet the halal

standards. That is why halal certification can also play an important role for giving the assurance about

the necessity of maintaining halal (Mohamed Omar, et al., 2012). JAKIM introduces e-halal logo also

besides halal labelling on package or signboard of restaurants considering a good number of e-shoppers

in Malaysia.

Halal supply chain can be described as the dealings of a halal network with the purpose of transferring

goods with halal integrity to ensure that the goods are totally halal at the point of purchase (Tieman,

Vorst, & Ghazali, 2012). The cuffs of supply chain management is helpless due to their faith (Bonne

and Verbeke, 2008), maintenance of halal integrity (Tieman, 2011; Bahrudin, 2011), relief of doubt in

halal food (Kamali, 2010), lower control of halal food norms (Pointing et al., 2008; Norman et al.,

2009; Zakaria, 2008; Berger, 2011), and sensitivity of Muslim consumers towards halal (Wilson and

Liu, 2010; Havinga, 2011).

Legal Consciousness

The concept of legal consciousness is a wide-ranging which has various dimensions and, generally,

refers to the method of perception and understanding of the role of law, and the process of compliance

with law by individuals (Galligan, 2006). Legal consciousness emphases on what individuals know

about the law (Hertogh, 2004) and the way the law is move toward, raised and used by them.

Therefore, legal consciousness counts not only the way people act but also their approaches with regard

to the lawful actions (Hoffmann, 2003). It is necessary to know not only why, when and how the law

and legal organizations are used, but also why and when they are not used (Ewick and Silbey, 1992). In

other way, legal consciousness is used in order to find out the manner particular individuals understand

what the law is, experience it and respond to it (Merry, 1990).

According to (Li & Xin, 2014) Legal consciousness varies from person to person. His findings were: 1)

the national and social management confidence towards law is higher and they believe that although

the law is still not perfect but it will gradually be developed and adjust to the economic system. 2)

Private entrepreneurs‟ professionals and technical personnel, managers of the legal trust investigation

have greater degree of trust and can make full use of their knowledge to solve their problems legally. 3)

Источник: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/301587212_Perception_of_Muslim_Consumers_towards_Tax_Deduction_through_Zakat_in_Malaysia_An_Empirical_Investigation_on_Muslims_in_Malaysia

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